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I went to the front, but I never participated in the war itself.

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When women push their headscarf back an inch or two, this is interpreted to be a political act.
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It began early in the revolution. It was a process that was unfolding on a daily basis. We expected the system to be dispensing justice, but every day that passed by.
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The entirety of this discourse was such that it encouraged the kind of ascendancy for a man like Ayatollah Khomeini.
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Revolutions invariably don’t solve the issue of justice, and in its place, suppression and limiting freedom replaces that idea.
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We used to say that this is all lie, that we are lackeys of the United States.
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They are the kind of dishonest and populist slogans that we are not willing to use.
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They lie on railroads, they tie themselves to the gates.
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In Iran, where everything is covert, we have no firsthand information.
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You cannot bring democracy to a country by attacking it.
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What I’m worried about is that, in case that happens [nuclear explosion], then the Iranian people are the ones who are going to pay the heaviest price. But none of the Western countries have seriously talked about this.
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The Shah’s regime was an incorrigible regime and after a while, when the revolution happened.
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They obviously collected a lot of votes, but these monies could not solve the structural problems that these people face. But the only result, the only consequence, was that a big sum from the budget was wasted this way.
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When there is a crisis, the first thing that gets damaged and gets harmed is democracy.
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We must struggle for creating a democratic system that is dedicated to democracy and human rights.
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If you look at the discourse before the revolution, whether it is the left communist, whether it is the right secularist.
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And amongst the lower strata in Iranian society, we are witnessing an increasing rise of the expectation and it’s clear that the regime is incapable of satisfying these demands.
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